Jusjtjenkos læge i klinikken "Rudolfinerhaus", Nikolaj
Korpan, siger, at Jusjtjenko for første gang siden han blev syg har
afleveret "yderst positive" blodprøver og prøver af
andre biologiske stoffer. "Resultaterne
viser, at visse indikatorer viser en tilbagevenden til
normaltilstanden", siger Korpan. I dag "stiller lægerne
positive prognoser", påpeger han ifølge Jusjtjenkos
hjemmeside. "Der er ingen rester af sygdommen tilbage, og
organismen er nu inde i en aktiv rehabiliteringsperiode", siger
Korpan.
Han oplyser, at undersøgelsen af Jusjtjenko, som er blevet
gennemført ved hjælp af tomografi-metoden og andre metoder, har
vist, at på nuværende tidspunkt "mindskes de patologiske
forandringer, som har varet i løbet af de seneste tre uger".
"Det er et kraftigt barometer, som viser, at organismen er ved
at blive rask. Og lover solskin", siger lægen. Han betoner, at
prøverne og undersøgelserne var nødvendige for at komme med en
"objektiv kvalificering af Viktor Jusjtjenkos tilstand".
Nikolaj Korpan oplyser, at lægerne i aften
skal holde et samråd, som vil beslutte, hvornår Jusjtjenko kan
vende tilbage til sine aktiviteter. "Men allerede nu kan man
med stor sandsynlighed sige, at Jusjtjenko har brug for højst
to-tre dages indlæggelse", siger han.
Desuden siger lægen, at man havde inviteret
speciallæger indenfor retsmedicin, virologi og toksikologi med
henblik på at gennemføre en tilbundsgående analyse og
fastlæggelse af, hvilke kemiske stoffer eller vira som blev
årsagen til Viktor Jusjtjenkos akutte sygdom. "Vi har
gennemført alle mulige prøver med henblik på at fastslå
tilstedeværelsen af vira, mulige tungmetaller og giftstoffer i
kroppen", understreger Korpan.
Han understreger, at gennemførelsen af en så
vanskelig analyse varer mellem 10 dage og 1 måned. "Lægerne
håber på at få meget præcise resultater".
Adspurgt om, hvorfor sådanne analyser ikke
blev gennemført i sygdommens tidlige fase, svarede Nikolaj Korpan,
at det krævede "visse juridiske procedurer og accept af
forskellige instanser". UP.
Ukraines indenrigsministerium erklærer nu, at det var flere
personer, som kastede hårde genstande mod premierminister Viktor
Janukovytj, i Ivano-Frankivsk. "Som følge
af efterforskningen og på baggrund af afhøringen af vidnerne har
man på gerningsstedet konfiskeret to genstande, som kunne være
blevet brugt til angrebet; nemlig en metalkugle 1 cm i diameter og
en 5 cm lang sten", hedder det indenrigsministeriets
erklæring, som regeringens pressetjeneste har overdraget. I
øjeblikket er man i stand til at identificere de personer, som har
kastet efter premierministeren.
"Efterforskningen har grund til at
antage, at metalkuglen bevægede sig med en høj fart, og at det er
ganske sandsynligt, at den blev afskudt ved hjælp af en hjemmelavet
metalanordning", fremhæves det i erklæringen.
Under et besøg den 24. september 2004 i
Ivano-Frankivsk blev premierministeren udsat for et angreb med en
række hårde genstande, som blev kastet mod ham.
Straks efter angrebet blev Janukovytj indlagt på det lokale
sygehus med diagnosen "slag mod nakkeregionen, brystkassen,
samt kollapslignende tilstand (en akut mindskelse af blodtrykket",
hedder det pressetjenestens meddelelse. Interfaks-Ukrajina. UP.
--Taras
Kuzio
The
attempted poisoning of opposition presidential candidate Viktor
Yushchenko last month has taken a new turn that suggests a return to
Soviet-era KGB methods. A fake letter from the Austrian clinic that
treated Yushchenko was sent to Reuters news agency and then widely
disseminated abroad and by pro-presidential media in
Ukraine
.
Yesterday
[October 5], Reuters issued a statement that denied the authenticity
of the information it had distributed on September 28, which had
been based on the fake statement purportedly drawn up by the clinic.
Also on October 5, pro-presidential parliamentary factions issued a
joint statement that drew on the fake clinic statement and
subsequent news reports to call upon Yushchenko to withdraw his
candidacy because he had misled everybody about his poisoning. They
also called for adjourning the parliamentary commission established
to investigate the poisoning (Ukrayinska
pravda, October 5).
Yushchenko
became extremely ill on September 6, with symptoms that resembled
acute food poisoning (see, EDM September 20). His symptoms grew so
severe that Yushchenko traveled to a clinic in
Vienna
, which stated that the mortality risk, had he arrived at the clinic
24-72 hours later, would have been 80%. After he returned from
Vienna
, Yushchenko spoke to the Ukrainian parliament where he accused the
"authorities" of organizing an attempt on his life.
The
Ukrainian authorities launched a two-step plan to deal with the
attention Yushchenko received after surviving the assassination
attempt. First, the authorities organized a fake "assassination"
attempt on their own candidate, Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych.
This attack was planned to occur during Yanukovych's September 24
visit to Ivano-Frankivsk, during which he wore a bulletproof jacket
under his coat. But before a hard object could be thrown at him, a
student hurled an egg at the Prime Minister. Thinking it was the
planned projectile, Yanukovych collapsed on the ground. The
resulting farce backfired on Yanukovych (see, EDM September 30).
Second,
authorities tried to undermine Yushchenko's poisoning story by
issuing a fake statement by the
Vienna
clinic. On September 18 Mikhail Pogrebynsky, political consultant to
Yanukovych ally Viktor Medvedchuk, prepared the ground by stating
that the whole incident "looked very much like a campaign
trick" (Zerkalo nedeli,
September 25-October 1).
The
pro-presidential media began circulating stories alleging that
Yushchenko had long been ill and was therefore physically unfit to
be president. Medvedchuk's Inter television channel (October 1)
claimed Yushchenko suffered from a complex of ailments that are
"typical for many state servants because of their lifestyle."
On October 3 ICTV, a channel controlled by oligarch Viktor Pinchuk,
used its "Dokladno" analytical program to make public
Yushchenko's medical records, which had been provided by the
parliamentary committee investigating the poisoning. A September 29 temnyk
(secret administration instruction sent to the media) advised media
editors to describe the poisoning as "unsubstantiated" and
to outline how Yushchenko had "misled the Ukrainian
public" (Ukrayinska pravda,
October 1).
The
Rudolfinerhaus clinic in
Vienna
denied the authenticity of the fake statement on October 4. Dr.
Michal Zimpfer said he had never seen, nor did he sign, the
September 28 statement faxed to Reuters. The clinic's statement
pointed out that doctors are still unable to determine whether
Yushchenko had been poisoned or not. The clinic reiterated that
Yushchenko's symptoms were not a product of food poisoning but from
substances introduced artificially into his bloodstream. In contrast,
the fake clinic statement had categorically stated, "The
information disseminated about an alleged poisoning is absolutely
unfounded in medical terms" (Reuters, September 28). The public
relations company Trimedia (trimedia.at) then admitted to having
faxed the fake statement, which had originated in
Germany
. They claimed that the text had been prepared by the Kyiv-based PR
firm EuroRSCG.
New
information has suggested how the poisoning may have occurred.
Apparently Yushchenko began to feel acutely ill several hours after
having dinner with the chairman of the Ukrainian Security Service (SBU),
Ihor Smeshko, and his deputy, Volodymyr Stasiuk. Yushchenko had
called for a meeting with the two men to discuss the security
services' involvement in the election campaign. The dinner took
place at Stasiuk's home and was organized by two leading members of
Yushchenko's team, Roman Besmertnyi and Davyd Zvannia. Stasiuk's
involvement is significant, as he is seen as President Leonid
Kuchma's man in the SBU (Zerkalo
nedeli, October 2).
Yushchenko's
election team has accused the SBU of being behind the fake letter
faxed to Reuters. They must also remain suspicious that Yushchenko's
acute illness began so soon after his dinner with two SBU chiefs. In
late September Yushchenko's campaign headquarters publicly released
information that the well-known organized crime figure Oleksandr
Angert ("Angel") was in Kyiv on a mission to assassinate
Yushchenko. Angert denied the accusation (Ukrayinska
pravda, September 29). As the October 31 presidential
election enters its final weeks, the degree of suspicion and
distrust that exists among the opposition, public, and the
authorities is now so high that such information is widely believed.
Lægerne ved klinikken "Rudolfinerhaus" har fået en
mistanke om, at Viktor Jusjtjenko har været udsat for et angreb med
stoffer, som er indeholdt i biologiske våben,
hedder det i lægernes brev til Jusjtjenko, som
vice-parlamentsformand Oleksandr Zintjenko læste op i parlamentet.
"Kære hr. Jusjtjenko! Undertegnede
læger anmoder herved om deres tilladelse til at rette henvendelse
til visse internationale organisationer med henblik på at få
hjælp, eftersom vi er kommet til den konklusion, at den kliniske
symptomatik samt forløbet af en række sygdomme ikke svarer til et
sygdomsforløb, som er kendt indenfor den civile lægevidenskab".
"Vi er nået til den klare konklusion, at
Deres sygdom er unormal, hvilket giver anledning til en mistanke om
brugen af biologiske våben. Med udgangspunkt i den ovenover
beskrevne situation, anmoder vi om akut hjælp fra en specialist
indenfor kampstoffer og biologiske våben".
"Sygdommens kliniske forløb indtil dato
peger i retning af en mistanke om anvendelsen af specifikke stoffer,
der som regel er en bestanddel af biologiske våben. Vi anmoder om
Deres tilladelse til at få akut hjælp". Brevet er
underskrevet af:
Professor dr. med. Zimpfer, specialist indenfor anæstesiologi og
intensiv medicin og præsident for klinikken "Rudolfinerhaus",
samt specialist i almen kirurgi, professor dr. med. Korpan. UP.
I tirsdags gav retten Jusjtjenkos repræsentant Valerij
Probyj-Holova delvis medhold i dennes klage over avisen "Krymskije
Izvestija"s redaktion". Den centrale
domstol i Simferopol betegnede det som ulovligt, at fotografier af
præsidentkandidaten Janukovytj var blevet offentliggjort i en
artikel om udviklingen af Kertj, oplyser Probyj-Holova.
"Nu er der kommet skred i tingene, og for
første gang har retten givet os medhold i vores klage over et trykt
statsligt massemedium. Efter min mening begynder domstolene at
indtage en mere principiel holdning i forhold til overholdelsen af
valgloven", siger Probyj-Holova.
Avisen "Krymskije izvestija" er
organet for Krims parlament. Probyj-Holova oplyser, at
grundlaget for klagen var offentliggørelsen af artiklen "Heltebyen
fortjener en alsidig udvikling", hvor dækningen af Janukovytjs
besøg i Kertj havde en klart agitatorisk karakter.
"Reportagen består af 17 fotografier, og
på de 13 af dem optræder premierminister og præsidentkandidat
Viktor Janukovytj", understreger Probyj-Holova, som
bliver citeret af pressetjenesten ved Jusjtjenkos Krim-stab. Ifølge
ham har avisen ved at bringe den ovenomtalte billedreportage
overtrådt ligeberettigelsen og deandre kandidaters mulighed for at
deltage i valgprocessen og ignoreret de lovgivningsmæssige
begrænsninger i forhold til agitatorisk materiale.
Som Probyj-Holova påpeger har Den
centrale domstol kendt avisens handlinger ugyldige, men har afvist
kravet om, at "Krimskie izvestija" skal offentliggøre
rettens kendelse på forsiden af avisen.
"Desværre er mange af vores klager til
andre massemedier blevet afvist pga. formelle kendetegn"
fremhæver han, og oftest har det været retsinstanserne selv, der
har sat disse formelle hindringer i vejen". Efter hans
opfattelse har rettens seneste beslutning vist, at dommerne lidt
efter lidt bevæger sig væk fra ydre kræfters kontrol. UP.
Ukrainian
American Bar Association (UABA) and Ukrainian Medical Association of
North America (UMANA) - Miami, FL,
Saturday, Sept. 25, 2004
Orest
Deychakiwsky, Staff Advisor, U.S. Helsinki Commission
The
choice is clear
A number of
analysts have stated that this is the most important year since
Ukraine became independent 13 years ago - specifically referring to
the October 31 (and, the very likely runoff three weeks later)
November presidential elections. Now you often hear that every
election is important, but this one truly is -- the stakes are high.
This election
will determine Ukraine's future for years to come -- not only with
respect to who emerges as leader, but also because the election
process itself - how the election and election campaign is being
conducted - sends powerful signals as to Ukraine's commitment to
democracy.
This election
represents the first time since independence that a democratic
opposition candidate has a chance of winning and replacing the old
order - provided, of course, that the elections are free and fair.
Opinion polls in Ukraine have long signaled danger to Kuchma and the
oligarch clans supporting him. With Our Ukraine leader Yushchenko's
popularity growing (he's currently the preference of around 40
percent of the electorate, which is very high by Ukrainian
standards), next month's election looks like it could result in
Kuchma supporters losing the reins over the presidency and the power
and assets that go with it.
The choice
between the two candidates is clear. Yushchenko's vision is that of
a Ukraine founded on democratic European values, which will enable
each citizen to realize their socio-economic potential in a country
governed by the rule of law. On the other hand, Prime Minister
Yanukovich essentially wants to maintain the status-quo of
preserving the current system of a regime ruling over competing
financial-industrial groups (i.e. oligarchs) and corrupt government
bureaucrats implementing unpopular policies with little respect for
individual liberties and basic human rights. Given the status quo,
it's no accident that 80 percent of Ukrainians believe that Ukraine
is heading in the wrong direction and two-thirds think elections
will be falsified. Trust in state institutions is at an all-time low.
The regime appears to be putting considerable efforts to ensure the
election does not become a choice between democracy and oligarch
capitalism.
There are
many deeply troubling aspects in Ukraine's pre-election environment
- one need only recall the local Mukachiv elections of last spring,
which give new meaning to the term bad elections. But it goes beyond
Mukachiv. It's the closing of Radio Liberty and independent TV
outlets; attempts to shut down independent Ukrainian newspapers;
temniki (secret instructions to media from presidential
administration about what to or not to cover and how to cover it);
pro-government domination of the broadcast media; it's the Volia
cable media company, which broadcasts the objective, independent
Channel 5 being disconnected in various regions and its managers
being arrested; it's sudden tax inspections; illegal searches of
opposition candidates office; disruptions or interference of
Yushchenko's meetings with voters; use of state resources to assist
the Yanukovich campaign; forcing workers to sign petitions of
support or forcing them to join rallies for Yanukovich; orders to
local administrations to intimidate people working on Yushchenko's
campaign; the illegal video and taping of Yushchenko's private life
by interior ministry officials, an alleged assassination attempt
against Yushchenko involving a Kamaz truck (which seem to be
involved in a disproportionate number of suspicious "accidents"
in Ukraine), and, not least, the recent poisoning of Yushchenko.
This is in addition to all sorts of other "dirty tricks"
against Yushchenko, including falsely portraying him and those close
to him as extremist nationalists and fascists in order to weaken him
in eastern Ukraine - a cheap attempt to divide, rather than unite,
Ukraine. Moreover, there are concerns about the ability of courts
and electoral commissions to adjudicate and resolve election law
violations, and the heavy pro-Yanukovich distribution of leadership
posts on territorial and precinct election commissions. And this is
by no means a complete list of problem areas. In short, the
powers-that-be are working hard to stack the deck.
These
election issues are part of a larger context of problems with the
media, human rights and civil society in Ukraine. The Freedom House
Nations in Transit publication annually surveys all 27
post-communist states. Since the evaluations began in 1997,
Ukraine's scores for electoral process, independent media,
governance, constitutional-legislative-judicial framework, and
corruption have all dropped. This reflects a basic consensus by
Western governments, media, think-tanks, as well as by objective
Ukrainian entities.
Not
all black and white
But Ukraine
is a complex entity, and not all is black and white. The Ukrainian
political system does have positive features. And everyone
recognizes that countries don't overcome the stifling, brutal
legacies of Soviet communist domination overnight. But what. What
has been troubling about Ukraine is the backsliding, the movement in
the wrong direction.
First,
Ukraine has its independence. The fact of independence is an
astounding historical achievement, and something many here - in one
capacity or another -- our parents, grandparents, relatives, friends
actively struggled for and some paid the ultimate sacrifice for.
And, even with all its serious flaws, independent Ukraine is
preferable to Soviet Ukraine, especially in terms of fundamental
human rights and freedoms. The problem is in the quality of
Ukraine's independence.
So, in the
good news category, but even this good news has caveats: The economy
(GDP) has been improving in the last few years - starting when
Yushchenko was Prime Minsiter -- following the dramatic decline of
the 1990's. This is positive and encouraging. On the other hand, you
have Yanukovich and the other powers-that-be, instead of taking
advantage of this upturn to implement long overdue reforms in
various sector or reduce state bureaucracy, they've been very active
in the last few months in reaching back-room deals. During first six
months of this year, for example, more tenders have been awarded to
the lowest bidder than during the entire previous decade of state
privatization. I will quote from a recent Our Ukraine publication,
because I think it sums up the problem accurately: "Yanukovich's
tenure in office has given a clear definition to Ukraine's
contemporary oligarch capitalist. Instead of maximizing
privatization proceeds and budget revenues to finance essential
state services and help the most needy, Yanukovich has developed a
closed circle whereby state assets are given to a small group of
oligarchs who enjoy significant tax privileges, returning little to
the state budget for public use."
There are
some bright spots in Ukraine's democracy and human rights record.
Two important ones since independence have been in the area of
respect for national minorities and religious liberties. This is
something that the international community has recognized and went a
ways in giving Ukraine a positive initial reputation in the 1990's.
Unfortunately, this positive record has been seriously tainted for
reasons that anyone who follows Ukraine is at least broadly familiar
with: pervasive, debilitating corruption, including at the highest
levels, manipulation of elections, violence against the political
opposition, the murder of journalists, including the Gongadze case,
which has become the poster child with what's wrong with Ukraine,
and the now four-year, high-level cover-up, a cover-up that gives
new meaning to the term contempt for the rule of law. Sadly, the
scandals of the Kuchma Administration make Watergate look like
child's play.
Importantly,
and thankfully, Ukraine has some countervailing influences to the
ruling regime. It does have an, active, democratically oriented
political opposition and a growing civil society - something missing
in most of the other former Soviet states, including Russia, where
the political opposition is being emasculated thanks to Putin's
growing authoritarianism. Indeed, the fact of genuine political
opposition in Ukraine is one reason why the current election
campaign battle is so intense. The "vlada" fears that,
even with all of its cheating and machinations, Yushchenko might
still win. Ukraine also has a real parliament, with a real
opposition which does not always do the president's or government's
bidding. Indeed, just two weeks ago, the pro-government
parliamentary majority fell apart, something which may seriously
impair Yanukovich's election bid. And, to its credit, the Rada
passed resolutions calling for monitoring of the elections and, most
recently, creating an ad-hoc committee to investigate the poisoning
of Yushchenko. This, too, contrasts sharply with Russia and Belarus
where their parliaments and civil society are much more constrained.
(Although I hasten to add that just because Russia, or Belarus, is
worse, does not mean that what's going on in Ukraine is by any means
acceptable, or excusable, especially given Ukraine's oft-repeated
desire to join Europe.)
The
Russia factor:
Russian
elites, not surprisingly, would prefer Yanukovich -and not only
because Yushchenko is perceived as being a Ukrainian nationalist and
is pro-Western. A substantial portion of Russian elites have never
come to terms with Ukraine's independence and would like to recover
great power status, hence, look askance, to put it mildly, at the
eastward expansion of NATO and the EU. Moreover, Russia considers
that control of the gas and oil pipelines through Ukraine is
required for maintaining substantial Russian control of the shipment
of gas and oil from the former Soviet Union to Western Europe. The
Russian political leadership seems to believe that a Yushchenko
victory would lead Ukraine to turn westward and put an end to all of
Russian efforts to integrate Ukraine. But part of it also has less
to do with grand politics and a lot to do with cold, hard cash,
specifically the shady energy sector. Russian energy related capital
has had a very close relationship with Kuchma and his assorted
governments and there have been a lot of schemes in which some
people have made a lot of money, which under Yushchenko would likely
disappear. Many Russian businesses would prefer operating in the
murky environment of the current status quo. It's not accidental
that you don't hear calls for free and fair elections in Ukraine
from Putin or that the controlled Russian media is biased towards
Yanukovich. This is not to say that the Russians would completely
trust Yanukovich, just as they don't completely trust Kuchma, or
that some, especially those who value more transparent business
arrangements, don't even favor Yushchenko.
The
U.S. and West
Another issue
is US and Western response and interest in the elections. There is
serious and persistent interest - in Congress, where a resolution
calling for democratic elections in Ukraine sponsored by Rep. Henry
Hyde and Chairman Rep. Chris Smith and Co-Chairman Sen. Ben
Nighthorse Campbell at the Helsinki Commission has recently passed
the Senate and is about to pass the House; numerous statements from
just about everyone - the Helsinki Commission, US government,
Canada, European Union, OSCE Council of Europe; a whole host of
prominent public figures from the United States visiting to deliver
the "free and fair elections message" - former president
Bush, Armitage, Brzezinski, Albright, Soros, McCain, Lugar,
Holbrooke, Clark, as well as President Bush at the NATO Istanbul
summit - but is even all this enough? Are they listening?
Unfortunately, there are serious doubts. Would the situation be even
worse if the international community remained silent?
Also, the
election observer issue will be an important one. The OSCE, which
takes the lead in election observation in Europe and the
not-so-newly independent states plans to send some 700 people, which
is one of the largest contingents ever, and there will probably be
several thousand other international observers. Yet, people are
legitimately asking whether that's enough. In fact, members of your
organizations may want to become part of elections observation
efforts - either in Ukraine, or here, at Ukrainian embassies or
consulates. As important, in my view, as international observers,
especially the OSCE, who are essentially the ones who put the
imprimatur on the elections for the world, are domestic observers -
both political party and non-partisan observers. If both
international and domestic observers are out in full force and are
unimpeded, it might help to reduce cheating on voting day and the
vote count.
A brief
observation about our own elections here and US policy towards
Ukraine, recognizing that one can give several speeches on this
topic alone (and recognizing that I may be treading on thin ice
among some given the charged atmosphere of our own forthcoming
elections here). As one who worked with various Administrations on
Ukrainian issues, I've reached the conclusion that given the same
set of negative developments - Gongadze case, Kolchuga, corruption,
attacks on media freedoms, lying to US about arms sales to Macedonia,
and, very importantly, the U.S.'s understandably changing priorities
in the post 9/11 world and the war on terror, a Democratic (i.e.
Gore) administration would have had generally the same approach
towards Ukraine as the Bush Administration. The reality is that a
significant determinant in U.S. policy towards Ukraine is the
behavior of the Ukrainian authorities themselves. Nevertheless,
there is fundamental consensus across party lines in this country
when it comes to supporting an independent, democratic, rule of law
Ukraine. Both prominent Republicans and Democrats, liberals and
conservatives - a steady stream of who have been traveling to
Ukraine over the last few months - have all been delivering the free
and fair elections message, because there is a strong understanding
of the importance of these elections to Ukraine's future. Can more
be done? Certainly. At the same time, our leverage is, frankly, not
unlimited. Engagement with Ukraine will continue no matter who wins
the elections - ours and theirs, although the quality of that
engagement will depend a lot on what happens in Ukraine and on
external factors.
Role
of the diaspora
The painful
dilemma for the Ukrainian diaspora is that we are witnessing a
leadership of an independent Ukraine that is largely indifferent to
the fate of the Ukrainian people - although there are good people in
all branches of government trying to do the right thing under
difficult circumstances -- but all too many among those who run the
country are what I call patriots of their "ridna kyshenya"
(patriots of their native pockets). Unfortunately, Russia at times
has exploited this weakness, and most assuredly will continue to do
so if the status quo continues after the elections.
Sometimes you
hear that the opposition is not much better than the current regime.
I say nonsense! Yes, the democratic opposition isn't perfect, and
even if Yushchenko wins it will take time to turn things around.
However, the opposition leaders do have something profoundly lacking
among many in the current ruling regime - and that is, a moral and
ethical core and patriotism - and that means a hell of a lot!
As for
diaspora efforts, I'm a big believer that almost everything helps -
the valuable efforts of UABA and UMANA and others, efforts large,
small, individual, in the legal, health, cultural, educational,
youth, women's, charitable, and other fields. There are people in
the diaspora - including many of you - contributing knowledge, time,
energy, and, very importantly, financial resources -- because you
are not indifferent!
Diaspora
efforts also include supporting and joining efforts for Ukraine to
become a real democracy, a key component of which is free and fair
elections. Most Ukrainian Americans are not duped and recognize the
realities of the current regime. After all, just think of how far
ahead Ukraine would be in terms of foreign investment if you didn't
have the current status quo. Or, if there were a genuinely
independent judiciary - something now lacking in Ukraine by almost
everyone's admission -- or police that respect the human rights of
average citizens - how much better would things be for the Ukrainian
people? Or imagine how far ahead Ukraine would be in the highly
problematic health care field if you had rule of law, less
corruption, and accountability by the authorities to the people?
Let's take HIV/AIDS - a very serious problem in Ukraine, as many of
you know better than I do. Or trafficking. I realize that these are
multifaceted and complex issues, but I challenge anyone to tell me
why you wouldn't have more progress combating these scourges under a
Yushchenko Administration versus a Yanukovich one.. Imagine what can
be done if the billions that were stolen by the oligarchs sitting
off shore - if even a fraction of that was being used effectively by
authorities who cared about their own people -- to help build
Ukraine's health, legal, educational, political infrastructures?
Let's not forget that 5-7 million Ukrainians have been compelled to
seek work abroad in the last decade. The Ukrainian population has
also shrunk by 5 million, a demographic disaster similar to that of
the 1933 famine or World War II. I believe that a decade of
irresponsible leadership bears at least some responsibility for this
sad state of affairs.
Therefore,
I'm a believer that every expression of concern matters - whether by
the US government, the Helsinki Commission, OSCE, or, for that
matter, the diaspora. The alternative is to remain silent, which
only gives the regime the green light to act with impunity. The West
continues to support democracy and human rights in Ukraine, which
not surprisingly, the vlada resents. But it's important to stress
that Ukraine freely joined the OSCE and other European institutions,
and thereby is obligated to adhere to its commitments. Nobody put a
gun to their head and said do it. The regime wants respect from the
international community, they want to be part of Europe, but they
aren't always willing to make the choices to achieve that noble goal.
As we all
know, Ukraine's independence was the predominant value, the driving
force, if you will, of the Ukrainian diaspora for many decades.
Hence, the understandable frustration about current Ukrainian
realities. But the best way to assure Ukraine's independence and
freedom for its people that so many sacrificed for, is for Ukraine
to become integrated into the Euro-Atlantic community. This does not
necessarily mean joining all of the institutions right away, but
becoming a European country in terms of shared values - and that
means respect for human rights, democracy, rule of law I am firmly
convinced that when Ukraine genuinely subscribes to these values and
becomes a true member of the Euro-Atlantic community of nations, she
will never again have to worry about domination from any "evil
empire." We can't forget that the struggle for Ukraine's
independence is also the struggle to restore the human dignity of
the Ukrainian people. The promotion of human rights, civil society,
democratic development - including free elections -- in Ukraine is
the best way to not only encourage the material and spiritual
well-being of the people. It is ultimately the most genuine
assurance of Ukraine's independence!
Will Ukraine
achieve these goals? Obviously, an important indicator will be these
elections. And it's hard to predict what will happen with confidence,
because the situation is still quite fluid, and the scenarios abound.
But even if they don't come out the right way, I'm an optimist and I
believe Ukraine is destined to succeed, if not in the short-term,
than in the long-term. My optimism is based on seeing the courage of
those in Ukraine struggling for democratic change and on centuries
of Ukrainian history, during which the Ukrainian people have shown
their indomitable spirit, that they will always struggle for freedom
and human dignity until it is at last truly achieved.
By
Nadiya Kravets
On October
31, Ukrainians will go to the polls. But coming during the final
run-up to the U.S. elections, the proceedings are unlikely to draw
the attention they deserve. Ukrainians will decide the fate of their
nation and possibly that of Russo-European relations. The election
results could lead to conditions that the United States cannot
afford to ignore.
Few Americans
are aware that in the early 1930s Soviet dictator Josef Stalin
launched a forced famine that took the lives of five million
Ukrainians. Though it achieved independence from the Soviet Union in
1991, the Ukraine still battles to maintain an identity apart from
its former colonial oppressor. Not only does Russia continue its
cultural, political, and economic influence in the countries of the
former Soviet Union, but it also continues to do so in the light of
a broader geopolitical strategy that, to some observers, looks like
expansion. Although it hasn't done so explicitly, Russia has been
expanding its sphere of control by means of economic, political, and
cultural influence, making former Eastern European countries
dangerously dependent on it.
The question
that needs to be answered is whether this dependence is being
imposed, and, of course, who benefits. In relation to the Ukraine,
the ties between current Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma and
Russian President Vladimir Putin seem to be sealed by the Single
Economic Space agreement, ratified this year by the Ukrainian
parliament, the Verhovna Rada. The agreement includes a common tax
code, customs union, foreign and trade policy, mutual financial
regulations, and possibly a common currency down the road.
Putin's
suppression of press freedoms and harassment of political opponents,
such as Mikhail Khodorovsky, have been amply covered in the Western
press. Kuchma's record on democracy and reform, less documented in
the press, makes it difficult to remain optimistic.
On March 3,
Serhiy Sholokh - the director of a radio station called Kontynent,
in Kyiv - fled the Ukraine, saying that he was threatened by members
of the United Social Democratic party in parliament, headed by
Victor Medvedchuk, presidential chief of staff. The reason for this
threat, according to Sholokh, was his intention to broadcast Radio
Liberty, a U.S. station.
Another
controversy involving Kuchma stems from the death of a journalist,
Gregoriy Gongadze, who frequently exposed corruption in the Ukraine
uncovering the illegal activity of leading Ukrainian oligarchs and
leaders of security services. He was killed in 2000. The family of
the journalist and the opposition forces in the Ukraine alleged that
the president and top security services were connected to Gongadze's
disappearance and murder. Subsequently, tapes of an alleged
conversation among the president, his chief of staff, and the
interior minister were discovered, which led to a parliamentary
investigation.
The special
parliamentary committee, designed to look into a variety of
allegations against the president, concluded that Kuchma ought to be
impeached. The list of the president's misdeeds included the
controversy over the sale of Kolchuga early-warning radar systems to
Saddam Hussein in 2002, as well as attempts to alter the
constitution to allow Kuchma to serve a third term.
The upcoming
presidential election will determine if the Ukraine is pointed West
or East. West means democratic reform and possible alliance with the
European Union. East means a more autocratic state with serious
leanings toward union with Russia. A centralized, autocratic Russia
could also include Moldova, Belarus, and Kazakhstan, all members of
the recently created Single Economic Space.
For the
United States, the implications of the Ukraine going East are
sizable. Recall the resources it took to dissolve the Soviet Union.
Another empire with an autocratic leadership and expansionist
tendencies could well require someone to oppose it down the road.
That someone will not be France, Germany, Canada, or the United
Nations. It would have to be the United States, already stretched to
its limits.
Hope remains
that current and former leaders of the United States and members of
the European Union will exert pressure on Russian leaders,
criticizing Putin's administration and its encouragement of Russia's
leadership role in the region, particularly in the Ukraine. For
their part, Ukrainians can choose between Kuchma and his ideological
successor, Victor Yanukovych, or support Victor Yushchenko, whose
platform includes democratic reforms and continued independence from
Russia.
The Middle
East is of obvious concern to U.S. policymakers. But history
confirms that it is folly to ignore what happens in Europe. George
W. Bush and John Kerry must understand that whoever is at the helm
in Washington might soon be dealing with a different Europe, and
quite possibly a more dangerous world, if Ukrainians don't support
Yushchenko.
Nadiya
Kravets, a Ukrainian national, is with the California-based Pacific
Research Institute for Public Policy.
Deputeret for "Vores Ukraine" læge Mykola Polisjtjuk
siger, at der ikke er nogen tvivl om, at Viktor Jusjtjenko blev
forgiftet med giftstoffet endotoksin. I det
direkte program "Parlament" på den 1. nationale kanal
forkastede Polisjtjuk spekulationerne om "de modstridende
oplysninger", som klinikken "Rudolfinerhaus"
tilsyneladende er kommet med, samt om "lægernes afvisning af
at samarbejde med kommissionen".
"Da vi fem parlamentsmedlemmer besøgte
klinikken, fik vi meget elskværdigt hele dokumentationen udleveret.
I over tre timer arbejdede vi med den vagthavende læge og studerede
dokumenterne". "Der var ingen modvilje. Viktor Jusjtjenko
mødtes selv med de deputerede og gav sit samtykke til, at vi
arbejdede med dokumentationen", sagde han ifølge sin egen
hjemmeside.
Efter at have stiftet bekendtskab med
dokumenterne, nåede Polisjtjuk, der er medlem af De medicinske
videnskabers akademi, til den konklusion, at organismen havde været
ramt på en måde, som berørte flere systemer og organer. "Der
er fundet toksiske giftige forandringer af leverens og
bugspytkirtlens parenkymi. Det var overvejende mavetarmkanalens
organer, som var blevet ramt, hvilket tydeligt vidner om, at
giftstoffet var kommet ind gennem mavetarmkanalen", - sagde
Polisjtjuk. Ifølge ham var immuniteten blevet nedkæmpet, hvorefter
mange vira blev aktiveret.
"Forandringerne i organismen er
karakteristiske for mange faktorers handlinger. Det er både kemiske
stoffer, endotoksiner og vira", påpegede lægen. Men viraerne
havde ifølge ham været sekundær - forgiftningen havde derimod
været det primære aktive i organismen. "Som praktiserende
kliniklæge med mange års erfaring kan jeg sige, at forløbet af
sygdommen er atypisk", påpegede Polisjtjuk.
"Det forhold, at mange organer og
systemer blev ramt, samt det specielle omkring det kliniske forløb
samt undersøgelsens objektive data vidner om, at der blev anvendt
gift". Efter hans mening var der tale om en symbiose af en
kemisk og biologisk forgiftning, og nærmere bestemt endotoksiner.
Parlamentsmedlemmet forklarede, at
endotoksiner er produkter fra bakteriernes spaltning, som selv med
en 5-10 pikogram kan fremkalde uigenkaldelige ændringer i
organismen. "Hvad der præcist var for en gift der blev brugt
her, kan kun blive fastslået af de laboratorier, som beskæftiger
sig med en speciel udarbejdelse af disse stoffer", tilføjede
Polisjtjuk. Efter hans mening kan man som et yderligere bevis
på forgiftningen bruge det forhold, at en intensiv terapi i
en specialiseret klinik under ledelse af kendte læger endnu ikke
har ført til patientens fulde helbredelse, og der endnu er brug for
et stykke tid, inden Jusjtjenko bliver helt rask og kommer på
benene", hævder lægen. UP.
De østrigske læger har konstateret en
forbedring af resultaterne af analysen af Viktor Jusjtjenko og har
tilladt hans gradvise tilbagevenden til valgkampen, oplyser
Jusjtjenkos pressesekretær Iryna Herasjtjenko til UP.
Ifølge hende "insisterede Viktor Jusjtjenko på en omgående
tilbagevenden til Ukraine med henblik på hurtigst muligt at slutte
sig til sin valgstab".
Efter sin tale i Lviv vil han komme til Kiev,
siger Herasjtjenko. Ifølge hende "ser Jusjtjenko betydelig
bedre ud" end han gjorde i fredags, da en gruppe af
repræsentanter for "Vores Ukraine" besøgte ham i den
østrigske klinik. UP's korrespondent oplyser, at Jusjtjenkos ansigt
er mærket af sygdommen. Sammen med Jusjtjenko ankom lederen af
klinikken "Rudolfinehaus", Michael Zimpfer, til Lviv. Om
aftenen skulle han efter planen holde en pressekonference i Lviv.
I lufthavnen blev Jusjtjenko mødt af Julia Tymoshenko, som dagen
forinden havde holdt tale i Ternopil, mens hun søndag skulle have
talt i Lviv. Ifølge lederen af Lvivs regionale stab i Lviv, Petro
Olijnyk, blev besøget i første omgang aflyst, men søndag
besluttede Jusjtjenko at drage til Ukraine. Også lederen af
Jusjtjenkos valgkamp, Oleksandr Zintjenko, tog imod ham i
lufthavnen. Desuden ankom dusinvis af mennesker med flagene
"Ja! Jusjtjenko".
Deputeret fra "Vores Ukraine" Taras
Stetskiv sagde til UP, at "det vigtigste budskab ved
Jusjtjenkos seneste besøg i Lviv, er: jeg er rask og parat til at
fortsætte kampen". Under Jusjtjenkos ankomst blev bevogtningen
i lufthavnen skærpet. UP.
Det ukrainske parlaments vice-formand,
Oleksandr Zintjenko, har opfordret præsident Leonid Kutjma til at
fyre lederne af indenrigsministeriet, SBU, Rigsadvokaturen, Det
statslige Tv-og radioselskab samt chefen for præsidentens
administration, fordi de truer den nationale sikkerhed, hedder det i
et åbent brev fra Zintjenko inden mødet i Det nationale
sikkerheds-og forsvarsråd.
Zintjenko understreger, at Viktor Jusjtjenko
og hans team i lang tid har krævet, at Det nationale sikkerheds-og
forsvarsråd reagerer på visse begivenheder, som hænger sammen med
valgkampen og som indebærer en trussel mod den nationale sikkerhed.
Men ingen af de omtalte institutioner har reageret behørigt på vores
henvendelser".
"Deres reaktion eller mangel på samme
forbavser os ikke det mindste, fordi de efterforskninger, som vi
selv har gennemført, fører til den konklusion, at det netop er de
handlinger, som udgår fra myndighederne selv eller fra de politiske
kræfter, som uformelt styres af præsidentstaben, regeringen og
visse partier, der truer den nationale sikkerhed."
Zintjenko påpeger, at de farligste er de
handlinger, som skaber fare for opståen af etniske og religiøse
konflikter, som opildner den etniske fjendtlighed og den sproglige
og religiøse intolerance.
Et eksempel på disse handlinger er adskillige provokationer fra
Kovalenkos UNA, som tilsyneladende går ind for Jusjtjenko,
xenofobiske udsagn fra præsidentkandidat Roman Kozak og andre
kandidater, som er "associeret med Janukovytj og Medvedtjuk".
"Ægkastningen mod præsidentkandidat Viktor Janukovytj i
Ivano-Frankivsk betegnes som "oppustning af den nationalistiske
trussel". Desuden påpeges det, at der i de
seneste uger har fundet andre begivenheder sted, som vidner om, at
"Janukovytj og hans hold forsøger at rette offentlighedens
opmærksomhed på temaer, som undergraver den eksisterende
afbalancerede politik indenfor den sproglige og religiøse sfære."
Desuden drejer det sig om trusler mod den nationale sikkerhed såsom
anslag mod Ukraines statslige suverænitet og territoriale
integritet, påpeger Zintjenko. Han understeger, at også militæret
og de ordenshåndhævende myndigheder bliver udnyttet til fordel for
visse politiske kræfters side.
Blandt andet peges der på en udtalelse af
indenrigsminister Bilokon af den 24. maj, om, at "politiet er
styrets væbnede styrker", som ikke vil stå udenfor de
politiske processer og vil støtte Janukovytj ved valget, politiets
beskyttelse af hans billboards og indenrigsministeriets folks
overvågning af Jusjtjenko samt SBU's overvågning af
parlamentsformand Lytvyn.
Med Mukatjevo som eksempel påpeges det, at
"den organiserede kriminalitet og styret" er vokset
sammen, samt at der er begrænsninger af ytringsfriheden, borgernes
ret til at modtage fuld og sandfærdig information, hvilket den
seneste parlamentshøring også har vist.
På den baggrund opfordrer Zintjenko Kutjma
til som formand for Det nationale sikkerheds-og forsvarsråd at
træffe en række personalemæssige beslutninger. Blandt andet
foreslås det, at ledelsen af indenrigsministeriet,
sikkerhedspolitiet, den statslige radiokomite og formanden for
præsidentens administration bliver fyret "for at have
fremprovokeret truslerne mod den nationale sikkerhed eller for at
have holdt hånden over dem, som skaber disse trusler".
Desuden opfordres præsidenten til at
"fremsætte et forslag i Verkhovna Rada om afskedigelsen af
rigsadvokaten, at trække de af præsidenten udpegede medlemmer af
Det nationale Tv-og radioråd ud, samt at udskifte ledelsen af Det
nationale Tv-selskab.
Som tidligere skrevet, har lederen af Forum
til støtte for Viktor Janukovytj, Valerij Pustovojtenko, tidligere
henvendt sig til det nationale sikkerheds-og forsvarsråd med krav
om at tage valgkampsituationen i Ukraine op og sikre valget mod
masseuroligheder. UP.
Aleksander Marich - en af lederne af den serbiske organisation
"Otpor" - er blevet deporteret fra Ukraine i forbindelse
med spørgsmål af betydning for den nationale sikkerhed.
"De tiltag, som blev iværksat, skete i
overensstemmelse med gældende lovgivning og i overensstemmelse med
Ukraines statslige sikkerhedsinteresser", kommenterede
næstformanden for præsidentens administration, Vasyl Baziv
situationen. Samtidig ville han ikke komme med nogle forklaringer
på episoden. Ifølge ham "forpligter beslutningen om at
deportere Marich ikke til, at man begrunder den". På
spørgsmålet om, hvorvidt deportationen af udlændinge uden videre
forklaring ikke er et tegn på en belarusificering af Ukraine,
svarede Baziv, at denne term var "ukorrekt".
Baziv fortalte også, at han havde set et
program på "5. kanal" med deltagelse af russiske
politiske teknologer og var "imponeret over de konklusioner i
forhold til sammenligning mellem Ukraine og nabostaten". UP.
Ivan
Kolos
Our
correspondent in Ukraine, Ivan Kolos, offers insights and
on-the-ground commentary on one of the nastiest--and most
important--elections in recent memory. The leading candidates are
locked in a tight race that many analysts say could determine
whether this key country turns its back on democracy or embraces it
head on.
Ukraine's
George Bush
6
October 2004
They used to
have desperately unfunny anti-Western caricatures in Soviet papers.
As a kid, I greatly enjoyed them. Twenty years on, there are now
very similar caricatures, of about the same entertainment value, all
over Ukrainian television. The new government strategy, you see, is
to portray opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko as a Western
stooge--which may or may not work, depending on how old you are. For
most young Ukrainians the United States is something they want their
own country to be more like, so ads depicting Yushchenko as a Bush
disguised are probably counterproductive. But for oldsters (no
offense intended), relatively flush with well-timed pension rises
and promises of even more cash if Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych
wins, the ads will probably be a signal that the country is moving
in the right direction--back to the USSR, that is.
A daring raid
yesterday, 5 October, by opposition MPs on a government warehouse,
captured on opposition TV cameras, discovered millions of
anti-Yushchenko posters. Photos of Yushchenko with part of his face
torn off, revealing none other than George W. Bush underneath.
Posters of Bush riding cowboy-style on a map of Ukraine, against the
backdrop of Yushchenko's campaign slogans. (That idea had already
been used by Yanukovych-friendly Inter TV, a clue perhaps to who
paid the printing costs?) Pictures of pro-government MPs campaigning
for Yanukovych.
The entire
print-run appears to be illegal: the number of leaflets was so vast
that the cost must have been many times more than the sum candidates
are legally allowed to spend on advertising. It may even possibly
have been paid using money from the state budget.
But the
opposition's triumph will probably be short-lived. This summer the
government managed to wiggle out of embarrassment and sanction even
when secret tapes showing Yushchenko going about his private
business with his family were found on an undercover police officer.
They'll
probably bluster their way out of this one without any difficulty at
all. And keep blustering their way around the awkward fact that
Yushchenko wants to withdraw Ukrainian troops from Bush's war in
Iraq. With Yanukovych banging on about granting official status to
the Russian language and, in his latest chat with Russian
journalists, promising never to join NATO, the government
candidate's campaign is taking a decidedly anti-Western twist. And
twist as he might, Yushchenko cannot escape that Bush tag. Transitions
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